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Dark Money: The Hidden History of the Billionaires Behind the Rise of the Radical Right Paperback – Illustrated, January 24, 2017
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ONE OF THE NEW YORK TIMES 10 BEST BOOKS OF THE YEAR
Who are the immensely wealthy right-wing ideologues shaping the fate of America today? From the bestselling author of The Dark Side, an electrifying work of investigative journalism that uncovers the agenda of this powerful group.
In her new preface, Jane Mayer discusses the results of the most recent election and Donald Trump's victory, and how, despite much discussion to the contrary, this was a huge victory for the billionaires who have been pouring money in the American political system.
Why is America living in an age of profound and widening economic inequality? Why have even modest attempts to address climate change been defeated again and again? Why do hedge-fund billionaires pay a far lower tax rate than middle-class workers? In a riveting and indelible feat of reporting, Jane Mayer illuminates the history of an elite cadre of plutocrats—headed by the Kochs, the Scaifes, the Olins, and the Bradleys—who have bankrolled a systematic plan to fundamentally alter the American political system. Mayer traces a byzantine trail of billions of dollars spent by the network, revealing a staggering conglomeration of think tanks, academic institutions, media groups, courthouses, and government allies that have fallen under their sphere of influence. Drawing from hundreds of exclusive interviews, as well as extensive scrutiny of public records, private papers, and court proceedings, Mayer provides vivid portraits of the secretive figures behind the new American oligarchy and a searing look at the carefully concealed agendas steering the nation. Dark Money is an essential book for anyone who cares about the future of American democracy.
National Book Critics Circle Award Finalist
LA Times Book Prize Finalist
PEN/Jean Stein Book Award Finalist
Shortlisted for the Lukas Prize
- Print length576 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherAnchor
- Publication dateJanuary 24, 2017
- Dimensions5.16 x 1.19 x 7.97 inches
- ISBN-100307947904
- ISBN-13978-0307947901
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Editorial Reviews
Review
“Revelatory. . . . Persuasive, timely and necessary.” —The New York Times
“Dark Money is more than just a work of political journalism—it’s a vital portrait of a nation that, as perhaps never before, is being shaped by a few very rich, very conservative businessmen.” —San Francisco Chronicle
“Absolutely necessary reading for anyone who wants to make sense of our politics.” —The New York Review of Books
“Deeply researched and studded with detail . . . Seems destined to rattle the Koch executive offices in Wichita as other investigations have not.” —Washington Post
“With such turmoil on the right wing of American politics, reading Dark Money is like reading the first chapter of what may be a great political page-turner.”
—Chicago Tribune
“Jane Mayer . . . is, quite simply, one of the very few utterly invaluable journalists this country has.” —Esquire
“Amazing. . . . The most important political book of the year.”
—St. Louis Post-Dispatch
“Dark Money is almost too good for its own good.” —Los Angeles Review of Books
“[A] comprehensive history. . . . Stunning.”
—Salon
About the Author
Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.
Radicals: A Koch Family History
Oddly enough, the fiercely libertarian Koch family owed part of its fortune to two of history’s most infamous dictators, Joseph Stalin and Adolf Hitler. The family patriarch, Fred Chase Koch, founder of the family oil business, developed lucrative business relationships with both of their regimes in the 1930s.
According to family lore, Fred Koch was the son of a Dutch printer and publisher who settled in the small town of Quanah, Texas, just south of the Oklahoma border, where he owned a weekly newspaper and print shop. Quanah, which was named for the last American Comanche chief, Quanah Parker, still retained its frontier aura when Fred was born there in 1900. Bright and eager to get out from under his overbearing old-world father, Fred once ran away to live with the Comanches as a boy. Later, he crossed the country for college, transferring from Rice in Texas to attend the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. There, he earned a degree in chemical engineering and joined the boxing team. Early photographs show him as a tall, formally dressed young man with glasses, a tuft of unruly curls, and a self-confident, defiant expression.
In 1927, Fred, who was an inveterate tinkerer, invented an improved process for extracting gasoline from crude oil. But as he would later tell his sons bitterly and often, America’s major oil companies regarded him as a business threat and shut him out of the industry, suing him and his customers in 1929 for patent infringement. Koch regarded the monopolistic patents invoked by the major oil companies as anticompetitive and unfair. The fight appears to be an early version of the Kochs’ later opposition to “corporate cronyism” in which they contend that the government and big business collaborate unfairly. In Fred Koch’s eye, he was an outsider fighting a corrupt system.
Koch fought back in the courts for more than fifteen years, finally winning a $1.5 million settlement. He correctly suspected that his opponents bribed at least one presiding judge, an incompetent lush who left the case in the hands of a crooked clerk. “The fact that the judge was bribed completely altered their view of justice,” one longtime family employee suggests. “They believe justice can be bought, and the rules are for chumps.” Meanwhile, crippled by lawsuits in America during this period, Koch took his innovative refining method abroad.
He had already helped build a refinery in Great Britain after World War I with Charles de Ganahl, a mentor. At the time, the Russians supplied England with fuel, which led to the Russians seeking his expertise as they set up their own oil refineries after the Bolshevik Revolution.
At first, according to family lore, Koch tore up the telegram from the Soviet Union asking for his help. He said he didn’t want to work for Communists and didn’t trust them to pay him. But after securing an agreement to get paid in advance, he overcame his philosophical reservations. In 1930, his company, then called Winkler-Koch, began training Russian engineers and helping Stalin’s regime set up fifteen modern oil refineries under the first of Stalin’s five-year plans. The program was a success, forming the backbone of the future Russian petroleum industry. The oil trade brought crucial hard currency into the Soviet Union, enabling it to modernize other industries. Koch was reportedly paid $500,000, a princely sum during America’s Great Depression. But by 1932, facing growing domestic demand, Soviet officials decided it would be more advantageous to copy the technology and build future refineries themselves. Fred Koch continued to provide technical assistance to the Soviets as they constructed one hundred plants, according to one report, but the advisory work was less profitable.
What happened next has been excised from the official corporate history of Koch Industries. After mentioning the company’s work in the Soviet Union, the bulk of which ended in 1932, the corporate history skips ahead to 1940, when it says Fred Koch decided to found a new company, Wood River Oil & Refining. Charles Koch is equally vague in his book The Science of Success. He notes only that his father’s company “enjoyed its first real financial success during the early years of the Great Depression” by “building plants abroad, especially in the Soviet Union.”
A controversial chapter is missing. After leaving the U.S.S.R., Fred Koch turned to Adolf Hitler’s Third Reich. Hitler became chancellor in 1933, and soon after, his government oversaw and funded massive industrial expansion, including the buildup of Germany’s capacity to manufacture fuel for its growing military ambitions. During the 1930s, Fred Koch traveled frequently to Germany on oil business. Archival records document that in 1934 Winkler-Koch Engineering of Wichita, Kansas, as Fred’s firm was then known, provided the engineering plans and began overseeing the construction of a massive oil refinery owned by a company on the Elbe River in Hamburg.
The refinery was a highly unusual venture for Koch to get involved with at that moment in Germany. Its top executive was a notorious American Nazi sympathizer named William Rhodes Davis whose extensive business dealings with Hitler would eventually end in accusations by a federal prosecutor that he was an “agent of influence” for the Nazi regime. In 1933, Davis proposed the purchase and conversion of an existing German oil storage facility in Hamburg, owned by a company called Europäische Tanklager A.G., or Eurotank, into a massive refinery. At the time, Hitler’s military aims, and his need for more fuel, were already well-known. Davis’s plan was to ship crude petroleum to Germany, refine it, and then sell it to the German military. The president of the American bank with which Davis dealt refused to have anything to do with the deal, because it was seen as supporting the Nazi military buildup, but others extended the credit. After lining up the American financing, Davis needed the Third Reich’s backing. To gain it, he first had to convince German industrialists of his support for Hitler. In his effort to ingratiate himself, Davis opened an early meeting with Hermann Schmitz, the chairman of I.G. Farben—the powerful and well-connected chemical company that soon after produced the lethal gas for the concentration camps’ death chambers—by saluting him with a Nazi “Heil Hitler.” When these efforts didn’t produce the green light he sought, Davis sent messages directly to Hitler, eventually securing a meeting in which the führer walked in and ordered his henchmen to approve the deal. On Hitler’s orders, the Third Reich’s economic ministers supported Davis’s construction of the refinery. In his biography of Davis, Dale Harrington draws on eyewitness accounts to describe Hitler as declaring to his skeptical henchmen, “Gentlemen, I have reviewed Mr. Davis’s proposition and it sounds feasible, and I want the bank to finance it.” Harrington writes that during the next few years Davis met at least half a dozen more times with Hitler and on one occasion asked him to personally autograph a copy of Mein Kampf for his wife. According to Harrington, by the end of 1933 Davis was “deeply committed to Nazism” and exhibited a noticeable “dislike for Jews.”
In 1934, Davis turned to Fred Koch’s company, Winkler-Koch, for help in executing his German business plan. Under Fred Koch’s direction, the refinery was finished by 1935. With the capacity to process a thousand tons of crude oil a day, the third-largest refinery in the Third Reich was created by the collaboration between Davis and Koch. Significantly, it was also one of the few refineries in Germany, according to Harrington, that could “produce the high-octane gasoline needed to fuel fighter planes. Naturally,” he writes, “Eurotank would do most of its business with the German military.” Thus, he concludes, the American venture became “a key component of the Nazi war machine.”
Historians expert in German industrial history concur. The development of the German fuel industry “was hugely, hugely important” to Hitler’s military ambitions, according to the Northwestern University professor Peter Hayes. “Hitler set out to create ‘autarchy,’ or economic self-sufficiency,” he explained. “Gottfried Feder, the German official in charge of the program, reasoned that even though Germany would have to import crude oil, it would be able to save foreign exchange by refining the products itself.”
In the run-up to the war, Davis profited richly from the arrangement, engaging in elaborate scams to keep the crude oil imports flowing into Germany despite Britain’s blockade. When World War II began, the high-octane fuel was used in bombing raids by German pilots. Like Davis, the Koch family benefited from the venture. Raymond Stokes, director of the Centre for Business History at the University of Glasgow in Scotland and co-author of a history of the German oil industry during the Nazi years, Faktor Öl (The oil factor), which documents the company’s role, says, “Winkler-Koch benefited directly from this project, which was designed to help enable the fuel policy of the Third Reich.”
Fred Koch often traveled to Germany during these years, and according to family lore he was supposed to have been on the fatal May 1937 transatlantic flight of the Hindenburg, but at the last minute he got delayed. In late 1938, as World War II approached and Hitler’s aims were unmistakable, he wrote admiringly about fascism in Germany, and elsewhere, drawing an invidious comparison with America under Franklin Roosevelt’s New Deal. “Although nobody agrees with me, I am of the opinion that the only sound countries in the world are Germany, Italy, and Japan, simply because they are all working and working hard,” he wrote in a letter to a friend. Koch added, “The laboring people in those countries are proportionately much better off than they are any place else in the world. When you contrast the state of mind of Germany today with what it was in 1925 you begin to think that perhaps this course of idleness, feeding at the public trough, dependence on government, etc., with which we are afflicted is not permanent and can be overcome.”
When the United States entered World War II in 1941, family members say that Fred Koch tried to enlist in the U.S. military. Instead, the government directed him to use his chemical engineering prowess to help refine high-octane fuel for the American warplanes. Meanwhile, in an ironic turn, the Hamburg refinery that Winkler-Koch built became an important target of Allied bombing raids. On June 18, 1944, American B-17s finally destroyed it. The human toll of the bombing raids on Hamburg was almost unimaginable. In all, some forty-two thousand civilians were killed during the long and intense Allied campaign against Hamburg’s crucial industrial targets.
Fred Koch’s willingness to work with the Soviets and the Nazis was a major factor in creating the Koch family’s early fortune. By the time he met his future wife, Mary Robinson, at a polo match in 1932, the oilman’s work for Stalin had put him well on his way to becoming exceedingly wealthy.
Robinson, a twenty-four-year-old graduate of Wellesley College, was tall, slender, and beautiful, with blond hair, blue eyes, and an expression of amusement often captured in family photographs. The daughter of a prominent physician from Kansas City, Missouri, she had grown up in a more cosmopolitan milieu. Koch, who was seven years older than she, was so smitten he married her a month after they met.
Soon, the couple commissioned the most fashionable architect in the area to build an imposing Gothic-style stone mansion on a large compound on the outskirts of Wichita, Kansas, where Winkler-Koch was based. Reflecting their rising social status, the estate was baronial despite the flat and empty prairie surrounding it, with stables, a polo ring, a kennel for hunting dogs, a swimming pool and wading pool, a circular drive, and stone-terraced gardens. Some of the best craftsmen in the country created decorative flourishes such as wrought-iron railings and a stone fireplace carved with a whimsical snowflake motif. Within a few years, the Kochs also purchased the sprawling Spring Creek Ranch near Reece, Kansas, where Fred, who loved science and genetics, bred and raised cattle. Family photographs show the couple looking glamorous and patrician, hosting picnics and pool parties, and riding on horseback, dressed in jodhpurs and polo gear, surrounded by packs of jolly friends.
In the first eight years of their marriage, the couple had four sons: Frederick, known by the family as Freddie, was born in 1933, Charles was born in 1935, and twins, David and William, were born in 1940. With their father frequently traveling and their mother preoccupied with social and cultural pursuits, the boys were largely entrusted to a series of nannies and housekeepers.
It is unclear what Fred Koch’s views of Hitler were during the 1930s, beyond his preference for the country’s work ethic in comparison with the nascent welfare state in America. But he was enamored enough of the German way of life and thinking that he employed a German governess for his first two sons, Freddie and Charles. At the time, Freddie was a small boy, and Charles still in diapers. The nanny’s iron rule terrified the little boys, according to a family acquaintance. In addition to being overbearing, she was a fervent Nazi sympathizer, who frequently touted Hitler’s virtues. Dressed in a starched white uniform and pointed nurse’s hat, she arrived with a stash of gruesome German children’s books, including the Victorian classic Der Struwwelpeter, that featured sadistic consequences for misbehavior ranging from cutting off one child’s thumbs to burning another to death. The acquaintance recalled that the nurse had a commensurately harsh and dictatorial approach to child rearing. She enforced a rigid toilet-training regimen requiring the boys to produce morning bowel movements precisely on schedule or be force-fed castor oil and subjected to enemas.
The despised governess ruled the nursery largely unchallenged for several years. In 1938, the two boys were left for months while their parents toured Japan, Burma, India, and the Philippines. Even when she was home, Mary Koch characteristically deferred to her husband, declining to intervene. “My father was fairly tough with my mother,” Bill Koch later told Vanity Fair. “My mother was afraid of my father.” Meanwhile, Fred Koch was often gone for months at a time, in Germany and elsewhere.
It wasn’t until 1940, the year the twins were born, when Freddie was seven and Charles five, that back in Wichita the German governess finally left the Koch family, apparently at her own initiative. Her reason for giving notice was that she was so overcome with joy when Hitler invaded France she felt she had to go back to the fatherland in order to join the führer in celebration. What if any effect this early experience with authority had on Charles is impossible to know, but it’s interesting that his lifetime preoccupation would become crusading against authoritarianism while running a business over which he exerted absolute control.
Fred Koch was himself a tough and demanding disciplinarian. John Damgard, David’s childhood friend, who became president of the Futures Industry Association, recalled that he was “a real John Wayne type.” Koch emphasized rugged pursuits, taking his sons big-game hunting in Africa and filling the basement billiard room with what one cousin remembered as a frightening collection of exotic stuffed animal heads, including lions and bears and others with horns and tusks, glinting glassy-eyed from the walls. In the summer, the boys could hear their friends splashing in the pool at the country club across the street, but instead of allowing the boys to join them, their father required them to dig up dandelions by the time they were five, and later to dig ditches and shovel manure at the family ranch. Fred Koch cared about his boys but was determined to keep them from becoming what he called “country-club bums,” like some of the other offspring of the oil moguls with whom he was acquainted. “By instilling a work ethic in me at an early age, my father did me a big favor, although it didn’t seem like a favor back then,” Charles has written. “By the time I was eight, he made sure work occupied most of my spare time.”
Product details
- Publisher : Anchor; Illustrated edition (January 24, 2017)
- Language : English
- Paperback : 576 pages
- ISBN-10 : 0307947904
- ISBN-13 : 978-0307947901
- Item Weight : 1.01 pounds
- Dimensions : 5.16 x 1.19 x 7.97 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #48,191 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #33 in Elections
- #107 in History & Theory of Politics
- #160 in Political Conservatism & Liberalism
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The billionaires involved—principally but by no means exclusively the brothers Charles and David Koch; Richard Mellon Scaife; John M. Olin and the Bradley brothers—were raised within families of astounding wealth and privilege. They inherited hundreds of millions of dollars, plus businesses that produced yet more income. They also appear to have disliked and feared two things: taxation that would mitigate and reduce their family wealth; and being called legally to account for the public health, environmental and financial violations of their enterprises. They turned those fears into an ideology whose basic premise was: we should be able to do whatever we want, and any restriction on that is not only unjustified but un-American. They equated their personal interests and preferences with the good of the nation, and they funded a movement to raise their own self-interest to the status of a political crusade and an ideological war of principle. They lied to themselves and everyone else. As Thomas Frank wrote in What’s the Matter With Kansas, “Libertarianism is supposed to be all about principle, but what it is really about is political expedience. It is basically a corporate front, masked as a philosophy” (quoted from Dark Money, p. 123).
A primary vehicle for putting the plutocratic campaign into practice was an ingenious tax dodge. It involved creating foundations and funneling money through nonprofit organizations (usually of the donors’ own creation) in such a way that the funds were tax-deductible. So, in lieu of paying more taxes, they used the money instead on a form of fake "philanthropy", claiming a social benefit for what were really investments in their own self-interest--very affordable investments with an enormous payoff. Basically, they bought staff to come up with "research” and “studies" that justified and promoted a disguised plutocracy; and followed that up with “policy” shops that would develop and advocate for specific legal and judiciary measures that would enshrine their interests into law. Finally, they created and funded staged “citizens’ groups” (like the Tea Party) that would give their campaign an appearance of popular support. They also learned that they could get the support of some of the victims of these policies by giving them something non-financial that they wanted, whether that was support for their religious preferences, sanction for their hatreds or whatever.
The Kochs have tried to obscure their influence and that of their billionaire donor network, by hiding behind a web of "nonprofit" organizations with innocuous names, seeming to represent popular interests but actually funded and controlled by the Kochs and their fellow plutocrats. They even have a central donation organization, the "DonorsTrust", set up to obscure further the identities of the donors while funneling money to the campaign.
The Kochs seem to have been good at identifying talent who could carry out their plans without revealing their direct involvement. The “conservative movement” is just another growth industry to which many people attached their careers when it became clear that the billionaires calling the shots would spend lavishly on it. The conservative publication National Review and the careers of many professional conservative journalists and scholars benefited greatly from this industry. The donors put literally billions of dollars into this effort over decades, which enabled them to buy an awful lot of conservatism.
I enjoyed the many stories, anecdotes, incidents and quotes through which Mayer tells her tale. The fact that it is done in both journalistic and scholarly style, with many, many named people saying very telling things, made it a researcher’s delight. My own copy is filled with underlined passages and bookmarked pages.
This is an eminently quotable book, with extensive end-note references. For instance, Steve Clemons, formerly an analyst at the Nixon Center, is quoted on page 82 saying: “Funders increasingly expect policy achievements that contribute to their bottom line….We’ve become money launderers for monies that have real specific policy agendas behind them.” On the Citizens United decision, Mayer writes on page 248 that: “…the Kochs were part of a national explosion of dark money. In 2006, only 2 percent of ‘outside’ political spending came from ‘social welfare’ groups that hid their donors. In 2010, the number rose to 40 percent, masking hundreds of millions of dollars.” And on page 249, there is a note about a meeting in April of 2010 in Karl Rove’s living room at his house in Northeast Washington, DC. Mayer quotes Kenneth Vogel, from his book Big Money, describing the meeting as “the birthplace of a new Republican Party—one steered by just a handful of unelected operatives who answered only to the richest activists who funded them.” Perhaps my favorite quote in the book is from Karl Rove who, right after the 2010 Supreme Court decision in the Citizens United case, met with Republican donors at the Dallas Petroleum Club, to plot out how best to take advantage of the decision. Rove told the gathering: “People call us a vast right-wing conspiracy, but we’re really a half-assed right-wing conspiracy. Now…..it is time to get serious.” (p. 242)
Jane Mayer has done a service to us all with this remarkable book. Get it, read it and tell everyone you know about it.
Ms. Mayer has written a non-fiction murder story. A story that is being told everyday in our mainstream media and on the inter-net. It is a story of murder of political institutions (Congress, the GOP, Supreme Court) of academic institutions (universities and law schools seduced by grants and research monies) of the democratic approach to resolving conflict by compromise (organized disruption of public meetings), of the government of the United States (“government is the problem not the solution”) of science (deliberate lies and covering up of anthropomorphic climate changes), Machiavellian gerrymandering of voting districts, false claims of voter fraud when the biggest fraud was the gerrymandered districts. The list of “murders “ is long. The criminals unpunished, in many cases rewarded. The “Kochtopus” has been growing for years and is now poised to consume whatever remains of the “last best hope on Earth.”
And, now that they have been exposed, the secrecy that they revered for years is no longer effective, the Kochs and their billionaire brethren have worked up a new brand. Disconcerted by the revelations of their huge contributions to sway the elections and the consequent low opinion held by a majority of Americans about money corrupting politics, the Kochs are embarking on a “Well-Being” campaign. The most substantive “part of this image building has been a drive for criminal justice reform,” as Bill McKibben reports. [The New York Review, March 10, 2016.] Regardless of the new image plan, the Kochs plan to spend $889 million on the forthcoming national election, an unheard of amount of money spent on a political campaign.
Dark Money is a well researched book crammed with the details of the Kochtopus spreading throughout the country, destroying anything and anyone in the way. We’ve heard and read snatches of this before but Jane Mayer pulls it all together. Ms. Mayer ends the story in all its destructive details. We are all headed for Gomorrah by this account. The killers will be left to sift through the climate’s warm ruins and ruminate over the deposed values of a broad-based prosperity in the ashes. Knowing what we are facing from oligarchy rule to climate warming disinformation, we have to take it from here. And, all across this country, empowered Americans are doing just that. This is the gift of Dark Money.
Dark Money by Jane Mayer
Ms. Mayer has written a non-fiction murder story. A story that is being told everyday in our mainstream media and on the inter-net. It is a story of murder of political institutions (Congress, the GOP, Supreme Court) of academic institutions (universities and law schools seduced by grants and research monies) of the democratic approach to resolving conflict by compromise (organized disruption of public meetings), of the government of the United States (“government is the problem not the solution”) of science (deliberate lies and covering up of anthropomorphic climate changes), Machiavellian gerrymandering of voting districts, false claims of voter fraud when the biggest fraud was the gerrymandered districts. The list of “murders “ is long. The criminals unpunished, in many cases rewarded. The “Kochtopus” has been growing for years and is now poised to consume whatever remains of the “last best hope on Earth.”
And, now that they have been exposed, the secrecy that they revered for years is no longer effective, the Kochs and their billionaire brethren have worked up a new brand. Disconcerted by the revelations of their huge contributions to sway the elections and the consequent low opinion held by a majority of Americans about money corrupting politics, the Kochs are embarking on a “Well-Being” campaign. The most substantive “part of this image building has been a drive for criminal justice reform,” as Bill McKibben reports. [The New York Review, March 10, 2016.] Regardless of the new image plan, the Kochs plan to spend $889 million on the forthcoming national election, an unheard of amount of money spent on a political campaign.
Dark Money is a well researched book crammed with the details of the Kochtopus spreading throughout the country, destroying anything and anyone in the way. We’ve heard and read snatches of this before but Jane Mayer pulls it all together. Ms. Mayer ends the story in all its destructive details. We are all headed for Gomorrah by this account. The killers will be left to sift through the climate’s warm ruins and ruminate over the deposed values of a broad-based prosperity in the ashes. Knowing what we are facing from oligarchy rule to climate warming disinformation, we have to take it from here. And, all across this country, empowered Americans are doing just that. This is the gift of Dark Money.
Dark Money by Jane Mayer
Ms. Mayer has written a non-fiction murder story. A story that is being told everyday in our mainstream media and on the inter-net. It is a story of murder of political institutions (Congress, the GOP, Supreme Court) of academic institutions (universities and law schools seduced by grants and research monies) of the democratic approach to resolving conflict by compromise (organized disruption of public meetings), of the government of the United States (“government is the problem not the solution”) of science (deliberate lies and covering up of anthropomorphic climate changes), Machiavellian gerrymandering of voting districts, false claims of voter fraud when the biggest fraud was the gerrymandered districts. The list of “murders “ is long. The criminals unpunished, in many cases rewarded. The “Kochtopus” has been growing for years and is now poised to consume whatever remains of the “last best hope on Earth.”
And, now that they have been exposed, the secrecy that they revered for years is no longer effective, the Kochs and their billionaire brethren have worked up a new brand. Disconcerted by the revelations of their huge contributions to sway the elections and the consequent low opinion held by a majority of Americans about money corrupting politics, the Kochs are embarking on a “Well-Being” campaign. The most substantive “part of this image building has been a drive for criminal justice reform,” as Bill McKibben reports. [The New York Review, March 10, 2016.] Regardless of the new image plan, the Kochs plan to spend $889 million on the forthcoming national election, an unheard of amount of money spent on a political campaign.
Dark Money is a well researched book crammed with the details of the Kochtopus spreading throughout the country, destroying anything and anyone in the way. We’ve heard and read snatches of this before but Jane Mayer pulls it all together. Ms. Mayer ends the story in all its destructive details. We are all headed for Gomorrah by this account. The killers will be left to sift through the climate’s warm ruins and ruminate over the deposed values of a broad-based prosperity in the ashes. Knowing what we are facing from oligarchy rule to climate warming disinformation, we have to take it from here. And, all across this country, empowered Americans are doing just that. This is the gift of Dark Money.
Dark Money by Jane Mayer
Ms. Mayer has written a non-fiction murder story. A story that is being told everyday in our mainstream media and on the inter-net. It is a story of murder of political institutions (Congress, the GOP, Supreme Court) of academic institutions (universities and law schools seduced by grants and research monies) of the democratic approach to resolving conflict by compromise (organized disruption of public meetings), of the government of the United States (“government is the problem not the solution”) of science (deliberate lies and covering up of anthropomorphic climate changes), Machiavellian gerrymandering of voting districts, false claims of voter fraud when the biggest fraud was the gerrymandered districts. The list of “murders “ is long. The criminals unpunished, in many cases rewarded. The “Kochtopus” has been growing for years and is now poised to consume whatever remains of the “last best hope on Earth.”
And, now that they have been exposed, the secrecy that they revered for years is no longer effective, the Kochs and their billionaire brethren have worked up a new brand. Disconcerted by the revelations of their huge contributions to sway the elections and the consequent low opinion held by a majority of Americans about money corrupting politics, the Kochs are embarking on a “Well-Being” campaign. The most substantive “part of this image building has been a drive for criminal justice reform,” as Bill McKibben reports. [The New York Review, March 10, 2016.] Regardless of the new image plan, the Kochs plan to spend $889 million on the forthcoming national election, an unheard of amount of money spent on a political campaign.
Dark Money is a well researched book crammed with the details of the Kochtopus spreading throughout the country, destroying anything and anyone in the way. We’ve heard and read snatches of this before but Jane Mayer pulls it all together. Ms. Mayer ends the story in all its destructive details. We are all headed for Gomorrah by this account. The killers will be left to sift through the climate’s warm ruins and ruminate over the deposed values of a broad-based prosperity in the ashes. Knowing what we are facing from oligarchy rule to climate warming disinformation, we have to take it from here. And, all across this country, empowered Americans are doing just that. This is the gift of Dark Money.
Dark Money by Jane Mayer
Ms. Mayer has written a non-fiction murder story. A story that is being told everyday in our mainstream media and on the inter-net. It is a story of murder of political institutions (Congress, the GOP, Supreme Court) of academic institutions (universities and law schools seduced by grants and research monies) of the democratic approach to resolving conflict by compromise (organized disruption of public meetings), of the government of the United States (“government is the problem not the solution”) of science (deliberate lies and covering up of anthropomorphic climate changes), Machiavellian gerrymandering of voting districts, false claims of voter fraud when the biggest fraud was the gerrymandered districts. The list of “murders “ is long. The criminals unpunished, in many cases rewarded. The “Kochtopus” has been growing for years and is now poised to consume whatever remains of the “last best hope on Earth.”
And, now that they have been exposed, the secrecy that they revered for years is no longer effective, the Kochs and their billionaire brethren have worked up a new brand. Disconcerted by the revelations of their huge contributions to sway the elections and the consequent low opinion held by a majority of Americans about money corrupting politics, the Kochs are embarking on a “Well-Being” campaign. The most substantive “part of this image building has been a drive for criminal justice reform,” as Bill McKibben reports. [The New York Review, March 10, 2016.] Regardless of the new image plan, the Kochs plan to spend $889 million on the forthcoming national election, an unheard of amount of money spent on a political campaign.
Dark Money is a well researched book crammed with the details of the Kochtopus spreading throughout the country, destroying anything and anyone in the way. We’ve heard and read snatches of this before but Jane Mayer pulls it all together. Ms. Mayer ends the story in all its destructive details. We are all headed for Gomorrah by this account. The killers will be left to sift through the climate’s warm ruins and ruminate over the deposed values of a broad-based prosperity in the ashes. Knowing what we are facing from oligarchy rule to climate warming disinformation, we have to take it from here. And, all across this country, empowered Americans are doing just that. This is the gift of Dark Money.
Dark Money by Jane Mayer
Ms. Mayer has written a non-fiction murder story. A story that is being told everyday in our mainstream media and on the inter-net. It is a story of murder of political institutions (Congress, the GOP, Supreme Court) of academic institutions (universities and law schools seduced by grants and research monies) of the democratic approach to resolving conflict by compromise (organized disruption of public meetings), of the government of the United States (“government is the problem not the solution”) of science (deliberate lies and covering up of anthropomorphic climate changes), Machiavellian gerrymandering of voting districts, false claims of voter fraud when the biggest fraud was the gerrymandered districts. The list of “murders “ is long. The criminals unpunished, in many cases rewarded. The “Kochtopus” has been growing for years and is now poised to consume whatever remains of the “last best hope on Earth.”
And, now that they have been exposed, the secrecy that they revered for years is no longer effective, the Kochs and their billionaire brethren have worked up a new brand. Disconcerted by the revelations of their huge contributions to sway the elections and the consequent low opinion held by a majority of Americans about money corrupting politics, the Kochs are embarking on a “Well-Being” campaign. The most substantive “part of this image building has been a drive for criminal justice reform,” as Bill McKibben reports. [The New York Review, March 10, 2016.] Regardless of the new image plan, the Kochs plan to spend $889 million on the forthcoming national election, an unheard of amount of money spent on a political campaign.
Dark Money is a well researched book crammed with the details of the Kochtopus spreading throughout the country, destroying anything and anyone in the way. We’ve heard and read snatches of this before but Jane Mayer pulls it all together. Ms. Mayer ends the story in all its destructive details. We are all headed for Gomorrah by this account. The killers will be left to sift through the climate’s warm ruins and ruminate over the deposed values of a broad-based prosperity in the ashes. Knowing what we are facing from oligarchy rule to climate warming disinformation, we have to take it from here. And, all across this country, empowered Americans are doing just that. This is the gift of Dark Money.
Dark Money by Jane Mayer
Ms. Mayer has written a non-fiction murder story. A story that is being told everyday in our mainstream media and on the inter-net. It is a story of murder of political institutions (Congress, the GOP, Supreme Court) of academic institutions (universities and law schools seduced by grants and research monies) of the democratic approach to resolving conflict by compromise (organized disruption of public meetings), of the government of the United States (“government is the problem not the solution”) of science (deliberate lies and covering up of anthropomorphic climate changes), Machiavellian gerrymandering of voting districts, false claims of voter fraud when the biggest fraud was the gerrymandered districts. The list of “murders “ is long. The criminals unpunished, in many cases rewarded. The “Kochtopus” has been growing for years and is now poised to consume whatever remains of the “last best hope on Earth.”
And, now that they have been exposed, the secrecy that they revered for years is no longer effective, the Kochs and their billionaire brethren have worked up a new brand. Disconcerted by the revelations of their huge contributions to sway the elections and the consequent low opinion held by a majority of Americans about money corrupting politics, the Kochs are embarking on a “Well-Being” campaign. The most substantive “part of this image building has been a drive for criminal justice reform,” as Bill McKibben reports. [The New York Review, March 10, 2016.] Regardless of the new image plan, the Kochs plan to spend $889 million on the forthcoming national election, an unheard of amount of money spent on a political campaign.
Dark Money is a well researched book crammed with the details of the Kochtopus spreading throughout the country, destroying anything and anyone in the way. We’ve heard and read snatches of this before but Jane Mayer pulls it all together. Ms. Mayer ends the story in all its destructive details. We are all headed for Gomorrah by this account. The killers will be left to sift through the climate’s warm ruins and ruminate over the deposed values of a broad-based prosperity in the ashes. Knowing what we are facing from oligarchy rule to climate warming disinformation, we have to take it from here. And, all across this country, empowered Americans are doing just that. This is the gift of Dark Money.
Dark Money by Jane Mayer
Ms. Mayer has written a non-fiction murder story. A story that is being told everyday in our mainstream media and on the inter-net. It is a story of murder of political institutions (Congress, the GOP, Supreme Court) of academic institutions (universities and law schools seduced by grants and research monies) of the democratic approach to resolving conflict by compromise (organized disruption of public meetings), of the government of the United States (“government is the problem not the solution”) of science (deliberate lies and covering up of anthropomorphic climate changes), Machiavellian gerrymandering of voting districts, false claims of voter fraud when the biggest fraud was the gerrymandered districts. The list of “murders “ is long. The criminals unpunished, in many cases rewarded. The “Kochtopus” has been growing for years and is now poised to consume whatever remains of the “last best hope on Earth.”
And, now that they have been exposed, the secrecy that they revered for years is no longer effective, the Kochs and their billionaire brethren have worked up a new brand. Disconcerted by the revelations of their huge contributions to sway the elections and the consequent low opinion held by a majority of Americans about money corrupting politics, the Kochs are embarking on a “Well-Being” campaign. The most substantive “part of this image building has been a drive for criminal justice reform,” as Bill McKibben reports. [The New York Review, March 10, 2016.] Regardless of the new image plan, the Kochs plan to spend $889 million on the forthcoming national election, an unheard of amount of money spent on a political campaign.
Dark Money is a well researched book crammed with the details of the Kochtopus spreading throughout the country, destroying anything and anyone in the way. We’ve heard and read snatches of this before but Jane Mayer pulls it all together. Ms. Mayer ends the story in all its destructive details. We are all headed for Gomorrah by this account. The killers will be left to sift through the climate’s warm ruins and ruminate over the deposed values of a broad-based prosperity in the ashes. Knowing what we are facing from oligarchy rule to climate warming disinformation, we have to take it from here. And, all across this country, empowered Americans are doing just that. This is the gift of Dark Money.
Top reviews from other countries
I highly recommend this book, it lifts the curtain!!!
Ultimately the destruction of the Grand Old Party from within its core